Aphorisms


There's nothing so bad, that adding government can't make it worse. -- The Immigrant

Government is not the solution to our problem; government is the problem. -- Ronald Reagan

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Read the next two together:

Every collectivist revolution rides in on a Trojan horse of 'Emergency'." -- Herbert Hoover

This is too good a crisis to waste. -- Rahm Emanuel

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Government is the great fiction through which everybody endeavors to live at the expense of everybody else. -- Fredric Bastiat, French Economist (30 June 1801 – 24 December 1850)

In general, the art of government consists of taking as much money as possible from one party of the citizens to give to another. -- François-Marie Arouet, a.k.a. Voltaire, (21 November 1694 – 30 May 1778)

The problem with socialism is that, sooner or later, you run out of other people's money. -- Margaret Thatcher

The inherent vice of capitalism is the unequal sharing of blessings; the inherent virtue of socialism is the equal sharing of miseries. -- Winston Churchill

Saturday, November 21, 2009

#43: Persuasion and Justification

The psychology of titling is such, I think, that when one constructs a conjunctive title, one tends to put the “more important” conjunct first. Thus you might expect that I would have entitled this piece rather “Justification and persuasion.” But that would be because you begin with an automatic bias in favor of justification inherited from an ancient invidious comparison between the two.

The rot began among the Socratic Greeks, and probably within the writings of Plato himself, who distinguished between philosophers, the good guys, and the sophists, the bad guys. The sophists were itinerant teachers and lecturers who taught the skills of rhetoric for pay. “Real” philosophers contemptuously dismissed them for teaching not “the Truth,” but the skill of “making the worse argument appear the better.” Nonetheless, some of the sophists were very sophisticated indeed and commanded even Plato’s attention and respect. The distinction between “mere cleverness” and “truth” has persisted, however, through the millennia, as has the distinction between persuasion and justification.

Since justification plays such an important role in science, both in the form of induction and deduction, and since science was extended to social, political, and moral issues in the exuberant “scientistic” enthusiasm of the 18th century, we have come to expect justification in arenas where it simply does not apply.

Conservatives have foolishly accepted the justification challenge in the form laid down by progressives, a challenge they were doomed to lose from the outset. Progressives, on the other hand, derived an equally foolish consequence from the conservative inability to justify. Progressives believed (and still believe) that the inability to justify entails an absence of a “right” to defend!

They reason in this way: You have a right to defend your values or way of life only if you can justify your “belief” that it is better than your opponents. Of course, there is shrewd calculation in this foolishness, since it is the intention of the progressives to paralyze the conservative.

The tacit assumption of both sides is the same as that of the 18th century “enlightenment” scientism, namely that all of human issues are susceptible of “rational” determination.

As I have written earlier, this is simply false. Values are no more than personal preferences, no different in kind from culinary preferences. They are not susceptible to rational determination because they are not strictly speaking beliefs at all. They are rather emotive and behavioral dispositions. In ordinary language, we call these dispositions “preferences,” and that is how I will refer to them. Any attempt to derive either a general principle or a particular prediction is always subject to rejection.

The progressive would like to be able to generalize from individual human judgments, beliefs, and actions, and then to force regularity on people by means of those generalizations. The problem is that the respondent is clearly entitled to say no. Perhaps the case in question is slightly different or perhaps he has just changed his inclination. He doesn't have to defend his response! De gustibus non est disputandum. I’ll adapt this to read: “there’s no disputing preferences.”

This is truly a Solomonic resolution of the impasse between conservatives and progressives: they both gain something and both lose something. The conservative loses the claim that his preferences have absolute justification (say “divine”), which is welcomed by the progressive; the progressive, on the other hand, loses any basis for demanding it of him, which is welcomed by the conservative.

There are three basic reasons why the demand for justification continues to be so readily tolerated where it does not belong.

The first reason is the one already mentioned, namely that our enlightenment tradition has promoted “reason” (in some counterfeit of “science”) as the self-evident panacea for all human ailments. We still suffer the side effects of this panacea, which belongs rather in the pharmacopeia of the naturopath, than in the resources of a genuine social physician.

The second reason is justification does have a legitimate role within the context of purely legal decision making, this being so because the context supplies the necessary and sufficient conditions under which one outcome is “right” and another “wrong.” In this respect, justification, like law and like logic, have game-like qualities. Progression towards a destination in each of these is governed by rules accepted by the participants.

The third reason brings the discussion to full circle. The third reason is that both induction and deduction are frequently used within the context of persuasion.

If I wish to move you over to my side of an issue, there seem to be at least two ways in which I can approach the process. I call the first one the utopian one, and in its finest form (say the Spinozistic one), it attempts to take you from utterly unassailable axioms through deductive steps to an unavoidable conclusion. This is axiomatic wisdom and ethics. It doesn’t work as persuasion, if only because it is always possible for the respondent to have recourse to Moore’s device if he doesn’t like the theorem reached by this method.

The other, and most common method, is that of seeking assumptions, beliefs, and preferences in the respondent’s warehouse of attitudes, not even necessarily ones that one shares, which have the salutary effect of either indicating inductively or entailing deductively the proposition one is marketing. This the pragmatic approach to persuasion which is not inherently rational, but which might use rational as well as non-rational devices for a strictly causal objective: giving a person a disposition to go our way. In the utopian method, an error of inference disqualifies the result; in the pragmatic method, errors of inference are easily dismissed.

But more to the point, persuasion is the real-world method of managing human relations, not Socratic dialectic. In the real world, when faced with counter-intuitive argumentation, non-brainwashed respondents dismiss the results whether or not they can see clearly where the fallacy lies. Intuition trumps argumentation. As Hume put it so beautifully in his footnote on Berkeley, “all his arguments, … admit of no answer and produce no conviction. Their only effect is to cause … momentary amazement and irresolution and confusion…”.

The so-called progressive hopes to change the population in such a way that this survival adaptive mechanism in the human animal is neutralized and he becomes easy prey for the specious argument and counter-intuitive conclusions. The progressive wants to create a world in which “justification” determines belief, not persuasion.

Let’s reverse the nasty trend that originated in that much over-rated and mis-named century, the “Enlightenment,” and encourage those around us to return to their natural and spontaneous preferences, letting them know that these need no defense.

3 comments:

  1. Simplicius,

    I think this post follows up nicely from some of your other ones. However, didn't you also make the point in an earlier post that the Left will often purposely inject relativism/uncertainty into debates as a means of bringing people over to their side. In a sense, don't we despise these methods because they put pure persuasion ahead of intuition (which is a form of "truth")? Is there some distinction between legitimate persuasion by appeal to intuition and Lefty persuasion by appeal to emotion and by obfuscation?

    The funny thing is that within law, there is currently this debate going on. And it is the CONSERVATIVES who argue that the rule of law must be a law of rules, where justification is paramount, and the Legal Realist liberals who argue that law is fluid and is based on the "values" of society.

    You would likely respond that just because the Left claims to revere Reason says nothing about whether or not they actually do. And I would agree. But I just want to point out that it is conservatives who are much more inclined to want objective facts and justifications (at least within law). If law is just a game, and a game that exists within a subjective world, then why DO we need RULES. The only possible answer is that Rules are good because they are necessary for freedom to thrive and for order to be maintained, and that THESE VALUES ARE INHERENTLY GOOD. But I suppose, these values could just as easily be the preferences of conservatives (and maybe society as a whole). Maybe I'm okay with that.

    A.G.

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  2. Hello A.G., Thanks for your thoughtful response. Yes, the left does push relativism/uncertainty since that is perceived by them as the antidote to religious/nationalistic moral absolutism, but it does so by appeal to a THEORY. The left will always operate with a pseudo-scientific rationale. It is this appeal to elaborate and indefensible social/moral/legal theories that is the indentifying mark of the liberal "progressive." I have no problem with persuasion that is based on an appeal to common sense and uncontaminated natural responses.

    And yes, I do side with the legal conservatives, but that is because Law does have a game-like structure in which we play by the rules. It is clear that these rules can indeed change historically, but they should not be susceptible to judicial "re-interpretation." If you want new laws, fine, legislate them; but do not transform old laws without the legislative process.
    Of course, it is my preference to live in a society that is governed by commonly accepted rules; that is why I have real reservations about the "multi-cultural" objective.

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  3. Regarding law, where the Left is really transforming everything is not necessarily in the judiciary (though that's pretty bad itself) but in the Executive's administrative tribunals. In moving away from a law of rules, we move instead into a law of "experts". Why, after all, should a court be deciding labour or tenancy or health matters? That's costly, time consuming and the lawyers aren't familiar with the "interests" (read: socio-economic power) at stake. Hell, why even have courts for criminal matters, why not get a bunch of criminologists to rule on legal disputes. It will be a perfect technocracy!

    Thus, the Left is literally attempting to turn society upside down, by turning the unelected judiciary into the legislative branch and the executive into the judiciary.

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